
# Michael Hudson


0:00
Welcome back everyone. Professor Michael Hudson joins us today and uh I would um

0:06
recommend that everyone follows his work as well as his own website and I've left a link in the description. So it's great

0:13
to see you again. It's good to be back here. Uh well you

0:18
obviously have written a lot of important books especially on political economy and um in books such as uh the

0:26
collapse of antiquity you you know address the history of finance as well

0:32
and uh well I wanted to discuss some of this history with you today because I feel it's uh it's yeah extremely

0:40
important to to to appreciate this history as the current financial crisis

0:45
uh well appears to be speeding up and the entire financial system evidently is

0:50
not sustainable and it appears that we may be heading towards a cliff and uh

0:56
well throughout history this people always tend to assume that the current status quo is permanent even though it

1:02
always proves to be temporary. So I thought um yeah to get history we can understand some of the changes as well

1:09
as the continuity in this system and also the alternatives. Uh so again uh

1:14
that was my main thought. I wanted to if we can take a step back and look at this history and get a good get a I guess a

1:21
better appreciation for where we are now. And u I guess a very broad question

1:28
what is it that we can learn uh about the current system by looking back or

1:33
what do you see as being the constants for example the oligarchic tendencies in the financial system. Uh how how do you

1:40
see this? Well, most of my work for the last 50 years has been writing a history

1:46
of debt uh and banking. Uh it was clear already at the end of the 1970s that the

1:55
global south countries were running a debt crisis that almost all of the western economies were having what was

2:02
called a business cycle being something much more than a business cycle. every recovery took place at a higher and

2:10
higher uh debt level. And so uh and it was obvious that this was becoming uh

2:15
unobtainable. Uh and I wanted to see how it began. And that's why I spent a long time uh for 25 years heading a Harvard

2:23
group of writing the economic history of Mesopotamia and Egypt and uh Israel, the

2:29
ancient uh uh Middle East now called West West Asia and uh seeing how uh what

2:37
made it the West so different from everything that went before. And I think

2:44
the best way to frame the answer to your question is that

2:49
today's rhetoric of political rhetoric and financial rhetoric juxtaposes the

2:56
United States and Europe to uh as democracies against China and other

3:03
countries that are not part of the US alliance that are called autocracies.

3:09
And what they mean by autocracy is a mixed economy uh which uh used to by the

3:17

19th century was called socialism. Government investment in basic infrastructure. It subsidized rate uh ro

3:25
government anti- trust anti- monopoly laws to prevent monopoly rents. uh the

3:32
whole 19th century drive by industrial capitalism in Europe uh and the United

3:38
States to tax away economic rent to prevent uh to tax away land rent as the

3:44
natural tax base to prevent monopoly rent uh from developing

3:52
and ultimately to make uh money and credit itself a public utility. All of

3:58
this was uh financial cap uh f what financial capitalism wanted to do to

4:04
lower its own cost of living, cost of doing business, the coal cost structure

4:10
and to be more efficient. Well, the way to be more efficient was to prevent the

4:17
privatization of natural monopolies like uh railroads and communications

4:23
uh that you're seeing in the wake of Thatcherite England. And it really turns

4:29
out that the US definition of autocracy is any role for government that is uh to

4:36
the right of what Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan did in the 19

4:42
the 1980s. So uh I I looked at what made

4:48
the West distinct from the other uh from what went before and it wasn't

4:53
democracy. uh Aristotle wrote a study of constitutions

4:59
uh throughout the world that he knew about and said that all constitutions call themselves

5:06
democracy but they actually were autocracies. uh and uh that was part of the problem

5:13
and the the the whole west has has really been historically unique as it

5:20
claims to be from uh what went before the bronze age uh societies that were

5:26
primarily Asian societies from Mesopotamia and Egypt all the way to

5:33
China. And the distinguishing feature of the whole payoff of economic

5:40
civilization for the first 3,000 years was having a central ruler. Uh

5:46
historians are not sure how to characterize these rulers. They call it divine kingship in Mesopotamia and uh

5:55
Egypt uh or emperors uh in Confucianism that govern China. And the the role of

6:03
the central authority, the king, the temple or the emperor was to maintain

6:11
popular prosperity and that's supposed to be what democracy is all about. Well,

6:17
the west uh believes that uh democracy is achieved through the ballot box by

6:24
people voting. But if you look at uh the constitutions of early Rome and Greece,

6:30
uh the constitutions concentrated all the political power in the hands of the

6:36
aristocracy, uh the landowners and the creditors and

6:41
you could vote, but uh whoever you voted for w would be the uh the oligarchy who

6:50
became increasingly predatory, driving the rest of the population into debt.

6:55
And it was really the debt dynamics that uh ended up destroying the Roman Empire

7:01
that had absorbed classical antiquity and the same debt dynamics that occur

7:07
today. Yet what you find in the first few thousand years of civilization and

7:12
that's what uh my book on and and forgive them their debts is all about

7:17
and my Harvard uh studies and my the articles that I have in temples of

7:23
enterprise the whole idea of uh that made the takeoff of civilization and the

7:31
entirety of Asia again from Mesopotamia to Egypt to uh China so

7:38
was the recognition that the great destabilizing force was the growth of debt growing

7:45
faster than the economy to pay it. And that was the basic political guideline

7:52
of all rulers. And that uh what they saw and what ancient uh uh literature all

8:00
the way down through Aristotle and Plato was all about was this tendency of debt

8:05
to grow faster than the ability to pay. And when that happens, debtors tend to

8:11
fall into clientage and bondage or even slavery and surfom to uh the creditors.

8:19
And that's what happened to the West. And that same dynamic of debt polarization

8:25
occurs today. Well, what made Asian development so different and what makes

8:31
the development of China uh and its takeoff so different from uh western

8:37
financial policy today is the fact that uh it prevented a financial oligarchy

8:45
from developing. And when I went to school in the 50s at the University of

8:51
Chicago, one of the main books we had to read uh was Plato's Republic. And the

8:58
whole theme of Plato's Republic is Socrates saying uh how are uh it it

9:05
starts by saying suppose that uh you're a uh you've borrowed a weapon from a

9:13
very hostile uh person and uh if you give him the weapon back, he's going to

9:19
use it to kill people and do something bad. Is it right that you have to pay him? Well, that was his takeoff for

9:25
saying, "Oh, well, what if you owe debts to a predatory oligarchy and they use

9:32
their u uh the money that you pay them to indebt other people and reduce them

9:37
to clientage?" And after a long discussion, the uh Socrates said, "Well,

9:42
the solution is what uh we were told translated as philosopher king." Well,

9:50
it wasn't a philosopher king at all. Uh what Socrates said is uh how are you

9:55
going to uh cope with the main uh economic problem of our time money love

10:02
debt uh wealth addiction that uh money and wealth are a kind of economic and

10:11
social power and that's addictive. So how are we going to avoid that? And Socrates said, you the solution is to

10:19
have a ruler that doesn't have financial wealth, that doesn't have property, and

10:24
so hasn't fallen, hasn't become a money addict uh as yet. Well, of course, that

10:31
didn't happen uh as we all know. Well, how did antiquity stop uh stop this? uh

10:38
the the whole uh principle of all of the literature we have from Mesopotamia to

10:44
Egypt to China said uh the uh the role

10:50
of a ruler whatever we call them is to maintain economic balance and to uh keep

10:58
the people prosperous and not unhappy. uh you you want to prevent uh

11:04
exploitation. You want to prevent people falling into clientage uh to their

11:10
creditors and running away because we need the population for our army and to

11:16
build our walls and to build all of our public uh infrastructure. So uh the

11:22
common denominator in all of uh the West Asian rulers was a debt cancellation and

11:30
all the way from Sumer and Babylonia, Hammurabi all the way down through uh

11:36
the uh Jewish Jubilee year of Leviticus 25. The

11:42
wording was exactly the same. uh uh new rulers or on a some periodic basis uh

11:50
when there or when there was a drought or a flood that prevented crops from being cultivated. How do you prevent

11:58
this uh these uh this buildup of debt that can't be paid from impoverishing

12:04
society and leading to creditors lording it over the rest? Well, every new ruler

12:10
in uh Babylonia, Sumer, uh apparently

12:15
Egypt for a while started their reign by cancelling the agrarian personal debts.

12:22
Not the business debts, those were all left intact. But the citizen, the debts of citizens uh uh for uh arars, the the

12:30
grain debts uh were cancelled and the bond servants that were pledged to

12:36
creditors were freed. Not the slaves, but uh the the uh citizens uh and their

12:44
families that were pledged as labor to their creditors uh were liberated and

12:50
the land that uh dat cultivators had pledged uh along with their crop rights

12:57
under distressed conditions were returned to them. Well, that was uh

13:03
that was uh the centerpiece. That tradition was completely absent in the

13:09
west from the very beginning. And there was no way of establishing such a

13:15
tradition without having a central ruler, a divine king, a ruler, a

13:21
pharaoh, an emperor uh whose job was to oversee and act as a regulator to

13:27
prevent debt from the from growing faster than the ability to pay and polarizing society. Well, that's just

13:35
exactly what's occurring in the western economies today. and you've had this steady buildup of debt uh from uh the

13:43
end of World War II on. And that's really uh the crisis that we're seeing today. The debts really uh are beyond

13:51
the ability to be paid without impoverishing the rest of uh the

13:57
economy. And it's as if you're imposing an IMF austerity plan on not only on uh

14:05
the global south countries uh as was the case with most IMF borrowers but on uh

14:11
the developed industrial nations themselves. That's the problem we're in.

14:16
And uh the uh when you you you look at

14:22
China's takeoff, what makes China and uh so

14:28
exempt from all of this. China uh has kept money and credit creation in the

14:35
hands of uh the government, the people's bank of China. It never has had an

14:40
independent financial class that plays the role that western banks play.

14:46
Financing corporate takeovers, buying prop lending uh to uh by uh property,

14:54
buying buying assets instead of to invest in the factories and machinery

15:00
and tangible capital formation. The whole role of what finance lends for in

15:06
the western economies has been largely uh unproductive to it. It it creates

15:12
financial wealth by debt leveraging by lending people money to buy uh real

15:18
estate or stocks or bonds whose prices are built up by creating more and more

15:24
money to buy more real estate and more real estate more stocks and bonds at

15:30
higher prices. And that's why almost all of the growth in the US economy since uh

15:36

2009 has been financial in character hasn't taken the form of industrial

15:43
tangible investment hasn't taken the form of rising living standards for

15:49
labor uh the as a whole uh much less for the middle

15:55
class. All of this financial wealth has been concentrated in the hands of the

16:01
wealthiest 10% of the population, especially the wealthiest 1% as I think

16:07
we've discussed before. and the the what has made the more successful economies

16:15
ever since this start of historical records 5,000 years ago. What's made

16:21
societies and economies successful is avoiding this financial polarization uh

16:28
and making wealth financially in the form of debt claims on debtors. fin the

16:36
creditor wealth uh or property ownership stocks bonds real estate is a claim on

16:43
renters a claim on debtors it's economic rent and if you look at what Adam Smith

16:50
John Stewart Mills himself the whole 19th century uh

16:56
doctrine of industrial capitalism tried to solve this problem by uh essentially

17:02
uh saying well we want to make sure that all of the money is created to in

17:09
increase the ability to pay the uh the debts and make a profit on it with the

17:16
profits being reinvested in more long-term uh research development and

17:22
tangible capital formation. More factories, more hiring. That was the whole uh doctrine of classical

17:31
economics. And there uh that see the whole world seemed to be going in that

17:37
direction until World War I. And World War I changed everything. uh it uh the

17:43
uh the peace settlement of German reparations and interi debts was all pro

17:51
credit a system of procreditor relations and it ended up causing uh not only uh

18:00
impoverishing Germany and many of the uh European countries. Britain had a uh

18:06
great general strike in 1926. France had its own hyperinflation. Uh so after

18:13
World War II, uh the United States was pretty much in charge of designing how

18:18
the post-war economy would be run and structured. And it said, "Okay, no reparations this time. No interalli

18:25
debts, but we're going to have procredititor rules again." And uh there

18:30
was a whole debate between the American negotiators and canes saying well you

18:36
you have uh we in if you don't want to uh the post-war economy to end up

18:43
looking like Europe uh economy did after World War I, you've got to have some way

18:50
of wiping out the debts of countries that run a a constant balance of

18:57
payments deficit through their trade deficit and through owing more and more money to pay pay the foreign debts that

19:05
they've taken on to finance these deficits. You've got to write down the debts of these countries. You need an or

19:13
a new international bank to uh have the power to write down the debt claims of

19:20
countries that continually run a surplus like the United States and to wipe out

19:25
the debts of uh countries that run a deficit as Britain was expected to do

19:32
and in Kane's worked for the British Treasury. Well, the Americans turned it down and uh instead of Keynes's bankor,

19:40
his bank, they had the international monetary fund that imposes creditor oriented rules and austerity u on debtor

19:48
countries. And uh be by the late 1990s,

19:53
early 2000s, you had countries trying to avoid having to go to the IMF like the

19:59
plague because they didn't they knew that uh imposing an austerity program

20:05
does not enable you really to pay off the debts at all. It makes you it cripples the economy. It uh take uh it

20:13
diverts your income away from new capital investment and means of

20:18
production and agriculture, industry, transportation and infrastructure to pay

20:23
creditors uh and is uh therefore uh destructive. Well, what was uh only

20:31
subjected on the uh global south countries in times past is now being

20:38
subjected on the US and European economies and they're being impoverished by the same dynamic. So all of a sudden

20:45
we're in the same age-old dynamic that has occurred again and again and again

20:52
uh as debts grow faster than the ability to pay and have to be written down. And

20:57
if you don't write down the debts to the ability of uh your citizens, the labor

21:04
force, the b uh and now even the companies and the government to the ability to pay, you're going to have the

21:11
same kind of stagnation that you saw in the 1920s. And the problem uh that u

21:19
Kanes pointed out was not only uh does this debt overhead impoverishing the

21:26
debtors but the money that is uh uh paid

21:31
to the creditor country like the United States is used simply to uh make money

21:38
financially and it's used to fuel a stock market boom and that ends in a

21:43
crash that wipes out the creditors just as well. Well, there's been a lot of research on well, how how did these

21:50
post-war arrangements begin? Well, the uh an example is uh the FrancoRussian

21:58
war settlement of 1871. That was when Germany uh insisted that

22:06
France pay reparations for losing the war and it moved to to gold and Germany

22:12
adopted the gold standard and let other kind that was when the gold standard really uh was spread from Britain that

22:19
it adopted it early in the 19th century to others well Germany adop uh adopted

22:25
it forced other countries to pay uh in gold Germany's market uh became very

22:31
prosperous and ended up in a railroad and stock market bubble that then

22:36
crashed itself. So the this buildup of debt not only destroys uh wealth in the

22:44
debtor countries but in the creditor countries themselves. That's the situation we're in today that all the

22:52
the US uh and European economies that

22:57
have been financialized have been using this uh wealth just to

23:02
uh make loans to make more money financially. And in fact, that's what

23:09
most bank uh lending uh has been for. And the only way that the United States

23:15
has been able to support itself uh financially is essentially by lending

23:21
debtors the money to pay the interest. Well, this was this didn't work in the

23:27

16th and 17th century and it always ends up in a Ponzi scheme and that that's

23:32
basically the problem the whole West is facing today. That's sort of a long answer to your question, but that's the

23:39
big historical frame that you and I have talked about.

23:44
Well, you said it's now reaching an end, but uh what is it that what are the

23:50
mechanisms that I guess that's um making this all will come to an end? the mechanism of

23:56
what will the I guess consequences look like if there is no elimination of debt if as you said it hurts the debtors but

24:02
it also essentially will eventually wipes out the creditors as well. Well uh 40% of the American population

24:11
according to the Federal Reserve uh doesn't have any savings at all. They're

24:16
living from paycheck to paycheck. And the result is that they're letting uh

24:23
they're living off their credit cards and the credit card interest starts at

24:28

19% and the penalty rates uh are even higher and push the actual interest rate

24:34
to over 30%. And that means that the consumer debt to f to just to borrow

24:42
money to make ends meet just for basic subsistence survival. Uh this debt

24:48
doubles every three years but wage levels haven't and wages haven't. And so

24:54
having to pay these debts has forced uh consumer spending in the United States

25:00
to for most of the population to be scaled back. And the Fed reports that

25:06
half of the increase in consumer spending uh has all been by the

25:12
wealthiest 10% of the population and it's luxury goods uh imports of Italian

25:18
fashions and uh cars and yachts and uh things like that. Uh but the uh the

25:27
domestic market for uh wage earners is uh shrunk because they can't afford to

25:33
spend the uh income that they get after paying their taxes and their health

25:40
insurance and their debt service to the credit card companies to the banks for

25:45
their mortgages uh or and automobile loans. they don't have enough to buy the

25:50
products that are produced by American and foreign industry. And so the the

25:57
result of this tendency of debt to grow faster than the economy is

26:02
de-industrialization because in income is spent on debt service, not on buying the products of

26:10
what they produce in this circular flow that's supposed to be reinforcing and

26:15
steadily increasing economic prosperity and growth.

26:21
I I also wanted to ask about well what you written about uh I guess the relationship between war and uh modern

26:29
banking because this is also uh yeah quite an interesting and then I would

26:34
say relevant uh link well I have a book that'll be published in a a month or two on this uh the

26:42
history of how international banking developed from the crusades to world war

26:48
I uh what happened uh what I found is uh

26:53
something unique. The uh the it was the church itself the uh the Roman church

27:00
that created international uh banking and sponsored the international banks uh

27:06
thereby reversing all of the Christian anti-usery

27:11
uh uh teachings and uh Rome essentially uh tried to uh inaugurate a

27:21
religious and political fight against countries that resisted its control. And

27:26
the crusades began already before the formal crusades by fighting against

27:32
Germany, fighting again and later fighting against France. The crusades were against other Western Christian

27:39
countries that resisted Roman control. Well, uh, the problem was for Rome and

27:45
the papacy was, uh, they didn't have all that much, uh, money to hire troops.

27:52
They didn't have an army, as uh, Stalin quipped about the popes, uh, after World

27:58
War II. What were they to do? They recruited Norman warlords uh, beginning

28:03
in the 11th century, such as William the Conqueror of England was a warlord. They

28:09
said, "We will uh back you and uh sanctify your rule if you conquer

28:14
England and pledge feelalty, feudal feely to us and promise to pay us a

28:21
tribute in the form of Peter's pence and other tribute and to let our church appoint bishops throughout your realm to

28:29
and uh bishops were in charge of uh the church financing and the church was the

28:35
largest land owner and rent recipient uh throughout Europe. Uh William agreed and

28:41
essentially made uh became king by making Britain a feft of Rome. Well,

28:48
just a decade or so before Rome had made the same contract and we have copies of

28:54
the contract that I discuss in in my book uh with uh the the warlord who

29:01
conquered southern Italy and uh Sicily. We'll make you king of Sicily. Robert

29:08
Gusgard uh will will back your king. You have to sign fieldy to us. uh you will

29:13
obey our direction and uh we will appoint the uh bishops uh the right of

29:19
investature uh for bishops in control of the church finances uh in your territory

29:25
and that's how uh there were kings well by the end of the the uh 11th century

29:33
other countries began to real began to oppose this and so uh there were two

29:39
popes and uh the the Roman pope as oosed opposed to a a German backed pope uh

29:46
tried to say well uh let's uh help support Bzantium the Byzantine Empire

29:53
threatened by uh tur turkish invasion let's us save it and let's save Jerusalem from the Muslims and so

30:01
through a great public relations victory they organized uh the kings of all the

30:07
European countries uh to go fight and the actual aim was to conquer uh

30:14
Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire. They looted uh Jerusalem. Uh they they

30:20
looted uh Jerusalem first uh when they went uh there. Uh and Jerusalem didn't

30:26
need protection from the Muslims but for the Christians because the Muslims uh

30:31
permitted, you know, Christian churches and had no anti-Christianity at all. And

30:37
by the 13th century, the crusaders looted uh Constantinople itself uh and

30:44
essentially tried to uh absorb it into the Roman church uh the uh the

30:52
Eastern bishops. They were uh opposed all of this. And so you had the split

30:58
between the Roman church and Eastern Orthodox Christianity of the four ma uh

31:04
four of the five major bishop ricks Constantinople and uh

31:10
Antioch and uh Jerusalem and uh Alexandria all sort of resisted all of

31:18
this. So the the the church, the uh the Romans, uh it's called the Imperial

31:25
Papacy, said, "Well, we're going to have to uh uh fight uh uh still fight Germany

31:33
and other countries that are resisting our control." So, how are we going to get the money? Well, the Norman warlords

31:40
had an army, but they didn't have the money to wage war. So the uh it was the

31:45
the Vatican that supported North Italian bankers and bankers just over the Alps,

31:51
the Kawharines uh in just uh uh over in Casor's uh and uh the

32:00
they would the papal leots would bring uh bank uh uh contracts uh to uh kings

32:10
like such as King John's son Henry III. heard of uh England and said, "We we'll

32:15
make your son uh the uh the king of uh Sicily because uh the Germans and the

32:23
Byzantine uh church have uh taken over have dominated the cities in Sicily and

32:32
South Italy. Will you do it?" Well, there was a whole fight of uh the uh the

32:39
baronss who'd already uh opposed King John for trying to tax uh tax them in

32:46

1215. The Magna Carta was a fight by the barrens against the king's living taxes

32:52
to go to war. And the taxes essentially would have been funded by borrowing by

32:58
by banks. the uh the pope excommunicated the uh baronss who were backing the

33:05
Magna Carta uh on the grounds that they were trying to block uh interestbearing

33:11
debt being made to the king. Well, uh, 50 years later, you had, uh, the same,

33:17
uh, the Baron's fight against, uh, Henry the III who was trying who was

33:24
trying to levy taxes to obey the um,

33:30
the popes and there was a civil war in Britain and again the new po the pope at

33:35
that time uh, excommunicated the leaders of the civil war opposing all of this

33:41
and essentially sanctified debt and and uh opposed the opponents of debt and just inverted all

33:49
of Christian uh uh uh anti-usery uh doctrine and uh in order to create an

33:58
international banking class, North Italians and other uh international

34:03
bankers to make loans to kings that uh Rome supported in fighting the religious

34:11
political war against other European countries and ultimately against uh the

34:17
Byzantine Empire uh itself. And the the

34:22
church had already begun in the 11th century to to solve a problem that the popes wrote

34:29
a whole strategy about. uh uh and the

34:35
strategy was if uh we have the right to rule over secular kingdoms, we have to

34:42
make the governments of these kingdoms a arm of the Roman church. How do we do

34:48
that? We do it financially. We do it by taking control of their fiscal policy.

34:53
And the fiscal policy is uh basically determined by uh the church in the first hand. And secondly by having uh kings

35:01
pledge loyalty to follow the fiscal policy that uh we support to get tribute

35:07
from these kingdoms in order to pay the armies of the warlords and mainly the

35:14
Normans uh who we've hired to fight our wars. So uh you had for the next few

35:20
centuries uh you the development of international banking

35:27
that was very different from antiquity. Uh what made all of this international banking different from everything that

35:35
went before anywhere in the world was that before uh credit there wasn't

35:41
really banking uh in Ro even in classical antiquity although there was a

35:48
financial oligarchy it was considered an antisocial act to make money by usery

35:56
there was no distinction between usery and interest any charging of interest was called uh usery and uh to make money

36:04
by mercantile activities were recognized as being very exploitive. So the leading

36:11
aristocratic families all delegated all of their financial operations to their

36:17
freedman or slaves or someone uh outside of themselves externally.

36:24
uh you had uh cities, whole towns like Pioli uh where you had uh freedman

36:32
acting as bankers for uh the wealth, but you had no banking class. And most of

36:37
this the lending was either for mercantile trade or just consumer user

36:43
rate especially to wealthy members of the aristocracy that wanted to support

36:48
their luxurious living conditions but also uh the poor that needed money to

36:53
get by. Well, what happened from the during the crusades and on in uh Europe

37:00
was completely different. The loans that the international banks made were not uh

37:06
although many of the bankers families had made their money through

37:11
trade uh financing, they didn't make it by by money lending. And when they began

37:18
to make loans, it wasn't to the poor and it wasn't to other merchants. It was to

37:23
kings to wage the wars to conquer other realms. And after the crusades ended uh

37:31
at the end of the 13th century, uh the uh the church no longer was really in

37:38
control of all this, but the the international banking and the the kings

37:43
the secular kings achieved independence from Rome. um especially the French king

37:50
Philip IV appointed an anti-pope uh that uh uh and the pope that moved the papacy

37:57
to Avenignon of France away from Rome uh after Philip uh captured Bon Pope

38:06
Bonaface and replaced him uh you had the kings themselves uh take over and they

38:13
beca they remained uh dependent on these international banks to make uh to lend

38:21
them the money to fight wars especially between uh England and France. That was

38:27
most of the wars. But you also had other realms and uh new warlords and uh kings

38:34
all borrowing money to fight. So you had money being lent not to the poor but to

38:40
the wealthiest u sectors of society to the kings and to the church. Uh and

38:47
later as you had uh individual cities u lending money uh uh paying the kings to

38:55
achieve their own communal independence like Florence or Genoa uh or or Venice

39:02
other independent you had uh these uh local uh

39:08
city parliamentary or communal uh states becoming the prototype for modern

39:15
governments And the advantage of uh Florence for instance was that well

39:22
unlike royal budgets kings couldn't afford to had real difficulty paying their foreign debts to these bankers

39:29
because all they had was their own royal domain. Uh and they were blocked from

39:35
taxing the economy as a whole because their uh aristocracy uh the baronss

39:42
wouldn't go along with it. So uh they were they kept defaulting uh in England

39:48
they kept pledging and losing the royal jewels over and over again. Well uh in

39:54
uh Florence you had uh and other city states especially in the Dutch set the

40:00
cities that became the Dutch Republic. you had the ability of these uh communes

40:08
to tax the entire population and essentially to act as collection agents

40:13
for the bankers saying that well uh you if you lend to the kings of uh France or

40:21
Spain or Austria, they're going to keep defaulting because they don't they can't raise the money to pay you. But we can u

40:29
pledge the wealth of all of our citizens as collateral uh and tax everyone and

40:34
we'll put uh payment of our foreign borrowings that we need to make to uh go

40:42
to war to defend ourselves against the uh autocratic Catholic kings. You know

40:48
we'll we'll act as collection agents for you. And the uh historians call these

40:54
the the birth of the fiscal state. A state that is governed above above all

41:00
by its uh fiscal policy that is dominated by the banking class itself.

41:07
And so you had the banks uh the international bankers essentially took

41:13
over this supernatural super national uh Europeanwide

41:19
uh control of governments that the church the Roman church had put in place

41:25
in uh the 11th and 12th and 13th centuries. All of this was secularized

41:31
in the hands of bankers and the fiscal states uh that uh were able to run up

41:36
debts far beyond what uh uh royal autocracies were able to do.

41:44
Well, just um I guess a last question now. [clears throat] What is the I guess

41:49
the the lessons of this? What what uh because we can kind of see where we're headed now. uh

41:56
where based on this past how how would you essentially advise any structural

42:02
changes because uh obviously the status quo won't last for much much longer.

42:08
Well, you you have a situation today where the financial class pretty much is in charge of uh political uh uh policy

42:17
law makingaking uh especially in the United States since Citizens United ruling by the Supreme Court has said

42:25
well uh corporations can have uh

42:31
PAC's can finance the election campaigns of of

42:37
politicians. running for office in the primaries and the general election uh

42:43
that pledge themselves to represent the economic interests of their financial

42:49
backers. And so you've essentially privatized the political voting process

42:56
in the United States and turned it over to the wealthiest, the billionaire class, not only creditors, but now you

43:03
have Silicon Valley, you have the oil industry, you have all of the special

43:08
interests, the monopolies, the financial interests, the very interests that

43:14
industrial capitalism in the 19th century tried to get rid of to lower the

43:19
cost of producing uh goods and services and to help industrialize and become a

43:26
more competitive uh economy. Yeah. All of that has been replaced by the very

43:31
classes that industrial capitalism sought to phase out. The industrial

43:37
capitalism was revolutionary. It wanted to free economies from the landlord

43:42
class that it inherited from uh feudal times, from the monopolies that had been

43:49
created by international bankers to help uh kings raise the money uh that could

43:56
not be controlled by Parliament to pay their war debts that they'd taken on uh

44:03
and to uh essentially industrialize banking and make banking serve ve the uh

44:10
industrial capital formation as was happening in Germany in central Europe

44:16
in the late 19th century in contrast to England uh that where the banking was

44:22
much more short-term and uh mercantile than uh part of a national development

44:28
strategy. Well, this was uh what you're having today is uh essentially fi

44:36
finance a financial oligarchy taking control of politics and just as Socrates

44:42
warned as Aristotle described uh money uh loss their interest is in enacting

44:50
laws that serve their own uh search for yet more money wealth financially

44:58
instead of trying to develop society's production while increasing the standard

45:04
of living of the labor force and increasing tangible capital investment.

45:10
The west uh led by the United States is de-industrializing. Well, China is not industri

45:17
de-industrializing. And the reason for this de-industrialization is the financial financialization that instead

45:24
of having the industrial capitalism as all of the classical economists expected

45:30
in the 19th century, what we have is finance capitalism uh that creates

45:36
wealth financially, not industrially. And in fact the financial wealth uh

45:41
accumulation by indebting the economy at large tends to impoverish it and uh

45:48
polarize it and de-industrialize it and therefore make it less competitive as

45:54
compared to countries like or economies like China that are following basically

46:01
the same classical economics that the 19th century Adam Smith, John Stewart

46:07
Mill, Marx and the American uh economists all uh developed to uh to

46:14
prevent a financial oligarchy from writing laws in its own interest uh at

46:20
the expense of the industrial and agricultural economy at large. So that's

46:27
that's the big picture and if the uh

46:32
books that I've written from about antiquity uh and uh the uh now the the

46:38
feudal period and the transition to modern fiscal states uh explain all of

46:44
this and it's all the same basic principles uh that come out. You need a

46:50
central authority to uh oversee the financial system and make sure that

46:57
money and credit create is created to fund tangible capital investment in the

47:03
means of production to provide public infrastructure to support the basic

47:08
needs of uh of the labor force. uh and by making uh health care, education, uh

47:17
all sorts of other basic needs, subsidized transportation, uh subsidized

47:22
uh communications inexpensive. You make uh your economy less expensive for

47:30
employers to hire to make a profit because the uh the expenses of labor are

47:38
not simply paid for out of labor's wages but by the public uh subsidies of all of

47:44
this that the industrial employer class doesn't have to pay. That was the

47:49
strategy of industrial capitalism and uh that was what classical economics is all

47:54
about and that's the main reason that the uh academic curriculum in the United

48:02
States no longer discusses the history of economic thought because that thought

48:08
is the antithesis to Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, uh Milton Freriedman and

48:14
the whole Chicago school of anti-government uh proont uh economies and so uh I think when you

48:22
have this broad perspective you see that uh what's happening today as I said has

48:29
happened again and again throughout history and that that dynamic is always the same how is society going to deal

48:36
with its debt overhead in a way other than simply having banks create the

48:42
money to lend to debtors to pay their interest to run up yet more debt that

48:47
earns yet more interest that requires yet more loans to them to keep uh solvent and turns the economy into a

48:56
vast Ponzi schemer. Yeah. One should not just look at democracy as putting up the ballot boxes

49:02
but rather yeah preventing this transfer of power to the oligarchy by

49:08
but um uh yeah I want to thank you for taking time. Do you think uh well do you

49:14
have any other thoughts and or Well, we could go another hour. Sure.

49:19
[laughter] I I could go into much greater detail for all of this. I mean, what's going to

49:25
be uh the future of the dollar? That's something that uh you and I have talked about. Uh that the governments

49:32
themselves are debtors in this new system. There was no government debt or

49:38
uh basically in previous times. This is the first time that governments have run into debt really. uh the the post uh uh

49:49
crusading economies, the the takeoff of international banking has led government

49:54
to debt not only to their own creditors but to international bankers and uh the

50:00
uh the right now despite the fact that the United States supports procredititor

50:06
rules for the international monetary fund and against its own uh labor and

50:12
industry the debts have to be paid. the government uh says, "Well, you know, we don't have to. We there's no way that we

50:19
can pay all of our US government bonds and other debts uh that we've issued. Uh

50:27
you why don't you just use these government IUs as your money?" And uh this money isn't to be actually cashed

50:34
in, you know, for gold or there's nothing really beyond it beside be because we're just spending our balance

50:42
of payments deficits for war spending, for foreign investment. Uh we're just

50:48
spending it into the economy and it's our dollar but your problem as uh Texas

50:54
Governor Connelly put it right after the United States stopped uh converting the

50:59
dollar into gold. Well, uh other countries see this and so they're uh

51:05
almost all of the growth in international reserves uh has taken the form of gold and foreign currencies and

51:14
even cryptocurrency instead of uh US government IUS uh and uh the European

51:22
Union now has uh more of its monetary reserves in gold than in US dollars.

51:29
Well, uh, this is, uh, how is the United States going to respond to all this? And this is where we get into the political

51:36
dimension that you and I have talked about. Well, Trump is trying to impose tribute on Europe's economy and other

51:43
economies by his tax policies that say, "Well, you're going to have to pay for

51:48
access to the American market. You're going to have to pay heavy tariffs. Uh,

51:54
you're going to have to uh give us all sorts of g give backs." uh he say stated

51:59
that uh he wants uh Europe to pay for the all of the military costs of that

52:05
overhead that in the past uh America has paid and European uh fiscal policy is

52:11
now basically turned into a branch of NATO uh

52:18
in terms of uh its tax policy. Same thing in uh the Middle East. United

52:24
Trump has said, "I want uh the OPEC countries to pay for all of the cost of

52:30
our war there." And uh that's the fight. That's why there's been a breakdown in the oil trade that's leading to u

52:39
probably an international depression by the the end of of this year when uh Trump says well we can't let u Iran take

52:48
uh control of trade in the straight of uh and charge uh tariffs uh and and

52:57
fees or transit transit fees. uh we want I I Donald Trump want to take 20% of

53:05
OPEC's oil uh trade is a payment for the war that we're paying to defend it.

53:12
Well, the rest of the uh Middle Eastern countries you're now having the Persian

53:18
Gulf countries saying, "Wait a minute, you're not defending us. Uh because if you attack Iran through us, then Iran's

53:25
going to attack our oil production and close us down. uh it it your military

53:30
bases that you have here uh that you're uh paying for and the war you're paying

53:36
for is not protecting us. It's uh already destroyed uh a lot of our oil

53:42
production. It stopped our oil trade. Uh this is the impass that you're seeing be

53:48
between the United States and uh the Persian Gulf countries. And uh Iran's

53:55
position is well if we can't if the United States blocks our exports of oil,

54:00
there's not going to be any oil being exported from the Persian Gulf. Well, where

54:07
and Iran is saying, well, it's it's now up to foreign countries. It's up to Europe and Asia that consume this oil

54:14
that need all of this oil for their own economies. What are they going to do to stop uh Trump's oil war against us?

54:23
That's uh shaping the whole uh the whole issue now. And a lot of this uh is

54:29
framed in terms of America's foreign dip. Are other countries going to continue to hold their debt in US uh uh

54:38
treasury bonds uh and IUS that are to fund this war that has ended up uh

54:45
stopping the oil trade and threatening to push uh Europe and Asia into economic

54:50
depression as 25% of the world's oil trade and fertilizer trade and helium

54:57
and uh the related trade for is all cut back. That's the crisis that you have

55:02
today. And uh it's a a different kind of a a crisis, a debt crisis that we've had

55:08
before, but uh that's basically the context.

55:13
Well, as always uh thank you so much. is yeah always educational and I will uh

55:20
again advise my are sorry recommend that the viewers uh go in and look at your

55:27
website and follow your work both the written work as well as the video you post there which are yeah excellent and

55:34
um thank you so much good to be here I know what I've been saying is very

55:39
academic but that's the only way of providing a historical perspective all

55:44
of this which is what you asked to do for today.




<!-- zatranslate
target = /home/za/dev/localllm/aispace/translate/glenn-diesen.cn.md
from = en
to = cn
translate_whole = false
max_words = 300
-->
